He's trying to coax liberals into giving up some power, in exchange for a promise that it will turn out closer to how they want in the end. ワイデン議員（上院財政委の民主党トップ、選挙で民主党が負ける前は委員長）はリベラル派をたきつけ、部分的に譲歩する替わりにリベラル派が最終的に望むところに近づくことを確実にしようとしている。
And Congress offers a compromise: They give away the right to quibble with specific sections of the treaty, in exchange for a promise that the administration will adhere to a set of priorities Congress lays out. 議会は、議会が協定の詳細につき注文を付ける権利を放棄する替わりに、議会の示す一連の優先事項を遵守することをオバマ政権に約束させるという妥協案を提示した。
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But Wyden -- and fellow Democrat Earl Blumenauer (Ore.), a liberal's liberal if there ever was one -- are pointing to a few things in the TPA bill that they say should be reasons enough for the rest of the caucus to hold its nose and vote for it. ワイデンやその仲間でリベラル中のリベラル――そんな人が存在していたのであればであるが――である民主党のEarl Blumenauer （オレゴン選出）は、今回のTPA法案には彼らが他の民主党幹部らが鼻をふさいで投票するのに十分な理由となるいくつかの事項があると指摘している。
（以下、抄訳）
Transparency: One of Democrats' top complaints about the Trans-Pacific Partnership has been that -- as is common with trade deals -- it was hashed out in secret. The bill strengthens procedures for congressional access to the text in future negotiations, and directs the U.S. Trade Representative to hire a "Chief Transparency Officer" responsible for making information more widely available. 透明性：…USTRが透明性担当官（Chief Transparency Officer）を置いて議会がより広範囲な情報を引き出せるようにする。
Corporate rights: A wide spectrum of constituencies -- from tea party groups to Sen. Elizabeth Warren -- have repeatedly raised the alarm about a provision called "investor state dispute settlement," which would allow corporations to sue foreign governments for treating them differently than they treat domestic corporations. They worry that could open up local U.S. jurisdictions to lawsuits over their own labor, environmental and health protections if a company decides they get in the way of profitability. The Trade Promotion Authority bill says that U.S. laws should be safe from such attacks. "The application of any provision of a trade agreement ... that is inconsistent with U.S. law shall have no effect," reads the bill summary, adding: "reports issued by dispute settlement panels convened under trade agreements ... shall have no binding effect under U.S. law." 企業の権利：…茶会党（共和党の最右翼）からエリザベス・ウォーレン上院議員（民主党）まで幅広い層が懸念するISDS条項――企業が「そんな規制や法律は貿易協定と違うじゃないか」と加盟国政府を国際組織に訴える権利を与える条項――については、貿易協定のいかなる条項も米国の国内法に矛盾するものは無効とする。
Labor and environmental protections: Trade unions and environmental groups say that free trade has allowed U.S. companies to do business more cheaply in places where labor and environmental protections are weak, enabling a "race to the bottom." The Trade Promotion Authority bill directs U.S. negotiators to make sure that parties to trade deals with the United States adopt and implement internationally recognized labor standards -- such as prohibitions on child labor and human trafficking, and protections for union organizing -- and comply with a suite of environmental treaties. The U.S. Trade Representative has said all along it would do this, as it has in a few recent trade agreements. 労働と環境の保護：…協定の加盟国で労働組合がなかったり環境保護規制が甘かったりするような国があれば、そのような国では不当に低コストでモノ作りができるので、アメリカの労働者が不当に不利益を受けることになります。それを防ぐために加盟国には厳格な労働規制や環境規制を備えることを貿易協定に盛り込むべし、ということですね。
Enforcement: The bill tries to make sure that trade violations are swiftly dealt with by requiring the White House to submit an enforcement plan, including requests for more border personnel and other staff needed to keep up with increased flow of goods. It also decrees that parties to the agreement shouldn't be able to make the excuse that they can't enforce labor and environmental protections just because they don't have the resources, and directs the U.S. to help them build their capacity for enforcement. Similar labor provisions in other recent agreements, while not enforced perfectly, have led to increased inspections in Latin American countries that have signed free trade agreements with the U.S. 施行：上記の労働や環境の規制を加盟国に実際に施行させることやアメリカがその手助けをすべき、ということですね。
Currency: The bill asks that future trade deals prevent parties from manipulating their currency to gain a competitive advantage for their exports. That's significant, because while labor groups and domestic manufacturers (both the Big Three auto companies and the United Auto Workers, for example) have pushed hard for the TPP to address currency, the Obama administration has refused, arguing that countries like Japan would never accept a deal that did so -- and that a currency provision might also constrain the U.S.' own monetary policy tools, like the quantitative easing process it used to try to propel the country through a recession. Still, using a trade agreement to address currency has been popular on both sides of the aisle, and might ultimately be a dealbreaker when TPP finally comes to Congress for approval. 通貨：労働団体やビッグスリーなど国内製造業が強硬にTPPに為替操作禁止条項を含むように求めているが、オバマ政権はそんなことをしたら日本が拒絶するしアメリカも不況時に量的緩和が出来なくなってしまうとして拒否してきた。この通貨・為替問題は共和・民主両方で多くの関心を集めており、TPPが議会で採決される際に最終的な破談要因dealbreakerになる可能性がある。
Of course, those objectives don't guarantee that the deal will ultimately come out the way Congress wants. The White House has to get 12 other countries on board, after all. But it does send a message that if the agreement doesn't pass muster according to those criteria, Congress might reject it entirely, potentially requiring more years of negotiation -- if it comes back at all. もちろん、これらの（TPA法案に提示されることとなる）交渉目標は、貿易交渉が、議会が望む通りとなることを保証しない。結局のところホワイトハウスは１２の国々と交渉しているからだ。しかし、このTPA法案は、貿易協定がこれらの条項を満たさなければ、議会が全面的に否決し、交渉にはさらなる年月を要することになるかもしれない――交渉が続けられるのであれば、であるが――というメッセージとなるだろう。
